10
May 10
India: Government of Manipur must release Irom Sharmila Chanu
AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL
PUBLIC STATEMENT
For Immediate Release
29 January 2010
AI Index: ASA 20/003/2010
India: Government of Manipur must release Irom Sharmila Chanu
The Government of Manipur must release Irom Sharmila Chanu – a protester on hunger- strike –and withdraw the criminal prosecution initiated against her, Amnesty International said today.
Irom Sharmila has been on an indefinite fast since November 2000, protesting against the imposition of the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act, 1958 (AFSPA) in the state of Manipur. She was arrested shortly after she began her hunger strike and charged with attempting to commit suicide – an offence under Section 309 of the Indian Penal Code (IPC). Irom Sharmila has
remained in judicial custody over the past nine years. She is currently held at the security ward of the Jawaharlal Nehru hospital in Imphal, the capital of Manipur, where she is fed a diet of liquids through her nose.
Although Section 309 is a bailable offence, Sharmila has refused to sign the bail-bonds, maintaining that she had not committed any offence, and has instead called for the criminal charges against her to be dropped. She has never been brought to trial, but as the offence under Section 309 is punishable by a term of one year only, she has been regularly released upon the completion of such period in judicial custody, only to be re-arrested shortly thereafter as she continues her fast.
Irom Sharmila has undertaken her hunger strike as a form of protest against the AFSPA. The British Medical Association, in a briefing to the World Medical Association, has clarified that “A hunger strike is not equivalent to suicide. Individuals who embark on hunger strikes aim to achieve goals important to them but generally hope and intend to survive.” i This position is embodied by the World Medical Association in its Malta Declaration on Hunger Strikers.ii Amnesty International urges the Government of Manipur to release Irom Sharmila and withdraw ongoing criminal proceedings against her under Section 309, IPC.
Amnesty International also calls upon the Government to India to repeal the AFSPA as it provides impunity for perpetrators of serious human rights violations, including extrajudicial executions, enforced disappearances, rape and torture.
Background
Irom Sharmila Chanu began her hunger strike after the killing of 10 Manipuris by the Assam Rifles (a paramilitary force) in Malom, Imphal in November 2000. She demanded the removal of the AFSPA from Manipur. The AFSPA provides for soldiers who are operating in government designated ‘disturbed areas’ the authority to use lethal force against any person contravening laws or orders “prohibiting the assembly of five or more persons” as well as to destroy property, enter and search premises without warrant and arrest in the interest of ‘maintenance of public order’. Soldiers are also protected from any legal proceedings unless such action is sanctioned by the central government.
Amnesty International has also previously called upon the Government to repeal the AFSPA.iii Repeal of the law has also been recommended by a number of national bodies including the Second Administrative Reforms Commission, Jeevan Reddy Commission and the Prime Minister’s
Working Group on Confidence-Building Measures in Jammu and Kashmir.
i World Medical Association Declaration of Malta: A background paper on the ethical management of hunger strikes, World Medical Journal, 2006, Volume 52, pages 36-43
ii Adopted by the 43rd World Medical Assembly at Malta in November 1991 and revised in September 1992 and
October 2006 iii Parliamentarians must repeal the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Acts, AI Index: ASA 20/022/2009; Briefing
on the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act, 1958, AI Index: ASA 20/025/2005; Briefing: The Armed Forces
Special Powers Act Review Committee takes one step forward and two backwards, AI Index: ASA 20/031/2006
10
May 10
‘The Sister’s Room’, the stories about us
Let me introduce the book ‘The Sister’s Room’ written by Unninet users. More over than 30,000 books are sold and it is sold in Taiwan, too.
the very place where i am not on my own. – <The Sister’s Room>
written by Mo-Rae(jang-ie@hanmail.net) / unninetwork publishing team
I was dreadfully happy and felt a lump in the throat, when communicating with sisters. It could not be so beautiful to meet them one by one. I could embrace myself as what I am, and the wound as the wound, the trace as the trace. I do not hate myself any more. In that way, I opened my mouth for the first time – without any hesitation.
- Nabiya, “Why Did I Forgive Him So Easily?” (44)
The writings of the ‘One’s Own Room’ at Unninet, the Feminist Cyber space, are gathered and published, titled <The Sister’s Room> (Galleon, 2006). Beyond the space only for us, <Unninet>, the writings filled with the passion to sympathize and be sympathized finally came into the world through papers. <Unninet> has been one of the spaces where WE could talk to each other. The freedom given by the experiences of talking the things we could not tell before could be contagious. Especially a lot of women told and shared their various experiences and demands, these relations continued sometimes Off-Line.
‘One’s Own Room’ in Unninet is the place where common experiences as a woman were shared and agreed, but it is also the field where different women could meet each other and see, recognize and share their differences. I, writing this right now, got a lot of helps from the brave and open-hearted Unninet people to break the prejudice about other women. With the flood of Media full of typical prejudices about women, so soon I absorb involuntarily that preconception. But the vivid writings of diverse women in Unninet were like a vaccin that reminds me of the distancing representations of existing women.
But, where the hell did I learn? Nobody taught me to do like that, but where did I learn that I should pretend to groan, feel, and even pretend to feel good and satisfied, although I have no feelings and even it hurts. After the first sex, I got not the pleasure of sex but acting ablilty as I met and left some lovers for about ten years. The guys, who told me that they loved me, did they notice that?
- “The Confession about the Sex” (16)
‘One’s Own Room’, where women could have their own voices avoiding this oppressive world. All the marks of women who are sharing, embracing their wounds, and moved, pleased, enraged are wholly put in this book. Now I expect that these women’s voices run into the world, encounter new readers, and make the new story begin again. This book contains the scene where women meditate and share experiences of such various situations around the women : experiences of the sexual violence, men’s lack of understanding and selfishness in the love relation, love and hatred about the male family members, men’s inferiority complex toward female colleagues and my experiences as a lesbian. Where can I hear these diverse women’s voices?
I believe that some readers would know that the process of women’s writing and reading is friend relation and self-healing at the same time. And through this book, I also want more people hear in the new way and then this encourage others, to make a sacrifice itself for the new talks.
The short writings in this book will let go its epic about the desire and experiences of women into the world. Anger, sadness, pleasure and joy within every short stories will meet new reader and then the seed of new sympathy will spring somewhere. I believe it will be fun.
————————-
Each story of ‘The Sister’s Room’ from little episode is coming to readers openly. Feminism presents us with ‘restless trembling’ under continuous thinking on borders, not an obvious answer or solution about some situation. This book gives a chance of considering and growing up for both of writers and readers by showing how this kind of thinking has been going on. <Feminist On-line Journal ‘ILDA’ / Jeongmin Kim-lee, reporter>
The secret becomes precious only when it is unveiled. By doing so, we will be liberated to truly radiate with our own colors, and subvert the silent mechanism designed by the patriarchal power authority. That’s why a number of UNNIs(sisters) have shared a number of secrets in “the room of their own in UNNINET.” <The Hankyoreh / Yujin Lee, Staff Reporter>
On top of all the things that matter, these women are “dangerous,” because their minds are contagious, extremely. I’m especially fascinated by the “blatant sex talk” of these young women…the book contains the collective writers’ stories about sex, relationships, and, most of all, the love for and the insight into their own lives…it’s worthwhile to check this book for its perky, delightful, and empowering voice.
<JoongAng Daily / Hye-ran Park, women’s studies expert, the writer of Couch War>
10
May 10
Religious Fundamentalism in Asia
written by Danbi
On the first day of the workshop, the participants introduced their organization and the situation in their countries. One of the recurring topics during this session was fundamentalism. Everyone agreed that there is no society that is free from fundamentalism, be it market fundamentalism or religious fundamentalism (or whatever religion is behind the fundamentalist movement), and that it aggravates the marginalization of minorities. The discussion on fundamentalism, especially religious fundamentalism, went on well after the official workshop sessions. As we know, religious fundamentalism and the conflict and disputes it causes has proliferated across the world. However, they seem to be particularly salient in Asia. Ethnic and religious diversity in many Asian countries, the history of colonialism, poverty and inequality has led people to seek a group identity by subscribing to exclusive dogma, and dominant groups are utilizing religion to suppress potential challenges.
Even in South Korea, a secular state with multiple religious groups (the ‘Big Three’ religions in South Korea are Buddhism, Protestant Christianity, and the Catholic Church) religious fundamentalism is now a reality. As can be seen from the struggle over the distorted Anti-Discrimination Bill (see http://lgbtact.org/english/ for details) and the election of Lee Myung-bak (a right-wing, conservative Christian who appointed a number of his fellow church members in his cabinet) as President, the rise of Christian fundamentalism in South Korea is inseparable from the shift toward conservatism in politics and society. Along with class and hakbeol (the level of prestige of the school one graduated from), religion has become a source of cronyism, a tool for the effective rule of minority over the majority. Religious fundamentalism is also starting to create social conflict, resentment, and discrimination.
This is why I believe the issue of religious fundamentalism can no longer be overlooked in activist movements, and why I was so hooked to all the discussion over it.
At the workshop, the @asia team got to hear about the religious fundamentalism in other Asian societies. In Hong Kong, the Christian fundamentalist movement is launching a full-fledged attack against sexual minorities. When Hong Kong LGBT activists campaigned for a Sexual Orientation Discrimination Legislation in 2005, for example, fundamentalist groups placed petition/advertisements on newspapers against the legislation with 9,800 signatures on it, claiming that they are tolerant of homosexuals but are against prohibiting discrimination against homosexuals and encouraging homosexual activities. These groups are also advocating implementing so-called ‘conversion therapy’ programs.
Malaysia, a country with multiple ethnicities and religions, requires its citizens to have a religion. The problem is that Islam (practiced mostly by the native Malays) holds an effectively superior position over other religions. Also, Malaysia has a dual legal system under which Muslims are regulated by Sharia, the religious law, and it is usually the conservatives and fundamentalist who interpret and implement it. Examples we heard from the Malaysian participants: a non-Muslim has to convert to Islam in order to marry a Muslim, but since it is illegal to convert a Muslim to another religion, a non-Muslim woman who converted to marry a Muslim cannot go back to her original religion after divorce; lesbian couples are tried in the religious court; the religious police raids bars and arrests Muslim clients, then dresses the women they captured in slinky clothes and have them catwalk in front of a group of men for hours. Since Islam fundamentalism is also growing in Indonesia, feminists in Malaysia and Indonesia have been working together on this issue for about a decade.
We were not able to hear much about the situation in the Philippines and Taiwan. We did learn that religious groups, particularly Christian ones, are moving to revise existing laws in order to make abortion illegal, which was surprising because to my knowledge, Christians were a minority in Taiwan. In the case of the Philippines, where most of the population is Catholic, sexual minorities are forced to keep silent about their orientation even though they participate quite actively in church activities. Also, like Hong Kong, conversion therapy is practiced in the Philippines.
The workshop made me realize that even though religious fundamentalism manifests itself differently in different societies, it can and should be addressed through our common effort. I admit that before the workshop, I could not see the connection between different fundamentalist religions. Christian fundamentalism was something that affected me and my community directly, while Muslim fundamentalism seemed like something that happened far away from here. The workshop made me see the connection. Now I could have a sense of solidarity not only towards Hong Kong, whose situation is relatively similar to that of South Korea, but also towards Malaysia, which is quite different from South Korea in terms of politics, ethnicity, culture, and religion. The core of all religious fundamentalist movements is an oppressive gender ideology: the control over women and motherhood, the ‘normal family ideology,’ strict enforcement of dichotomous gender roles, heteronormativity and the suppression of all other ‘deviant’ sexualities, and the condemnation of all social movements and practices that challenge their narrow belief systems*. Also, I got a sense of just how prevalent religious fundamentalism is in Asia. I had assumed that the population of religious people was small and religious groups did not have much influence in East Asia, with the exception of South Korea. To my surprise, it turned out that religious groups were a force to be reckoned with in seemingly secular societies like Hong Kong and Taiwan.
What does religious fundamentalism mean to your life? How does it affect your life as a woman in this society? How can we connect religious fundamentalist movements across Asia to the situation here in South Korea? What kind of actions can we take together with other Asian feminists? These are the things I would like to discuss with you today.
* Kang, Nam-sun (2003). Religious Fundamentalist Discourse and Gender The Quarterly of the Korea Theological Study Institute , Vol. 123.
10
May 10
The interview with AAF by AWID
Resource Net Friday File
Issue 250
Friday November 11, 2005
By Rochelle Jones
1) Women’s rights in Hong Kong: How are feminist movements dealing with the
challenges?
AWID interviews Sally Choi from the Association for the Advancement of
Feminism, which is based in Hong Kong, about the issues facing women and
how women are mobilizing for change.
2) The fight for democracy and gender equality in Azerbaijan.
International observers and human rights activists have described the
recent elections in Azerbaijan as being laced with a wide range of serious
violations. In addition to the struggle for democratic rule, women continue
to fight battles against inequality in Azeri politics. AWID reports on the
situation.
AWID: How would you define and describe feminism in Hong Kong?
SC: In the 1980s, some activists, in particular women, who participated in
the social movements in the 1970s or were involved in grassroots
organization work, were more aspired to feminist ideology and thoughts and
had the mission and vision to kick off a local feminist movement in Hong
Kong. A local Chinese feminist organization was founded in 1984, which is
the Association for the Advancement of Feminism (AAF).
In the past twenty years, there have been over ten women’s organizations
founded in Hong Kong with different degrees of identification with
feminism. Besides AAF, Hong Kong Women Workers Association, the Hong Kong
Women Christian Council, the Hong Kong Federation of Women’s Centre, the
Harmony House, Ziteng, Reaching Out, Queer Sisters, Sexual Violence
Concerned Group, Kwan Fook Concerned Group of Women’s Rights, and F Union
have been actively involved either individually on various fronts like
politics, the labour market, media, church, sexuality, family; or
collectively on common issues like pornography, sexual violence,
inheritance rights for women, equal opportunity rights, justice and peace,
democracy and so on. Forming an alliance to show solidarity and power among
women’s organization has been a common practice amongst feminist movements
in Hong Kong, but each organization has its own goals, strategies and
problems.
Hong Kong in the millennium needs a women’s movement with a clear feminist
vision that takes into account the pluralities of women’s backgrounds and
needs, paying attention in particular to those groups of women who are
being marginalized in the present system, such as low income women, single
mothers, women of sexual minorities, and women of different racial or
ethnic backgrounds. We need to intervene into social policies that produce
gender inequalities, as well as the cultural order that reinforces gender
hierarchy to achieve social changes that benefit women.
AWID: Tell us more about the work of the Association for the Advancement of
Feminism (AAF).
SC: AAF was set up on March 8, 1984. The objective is to eliminate
discrimination against women and to eliminate discrimination against women
and to fight for sexual equality. AAF is a non-profit organization
supported by incomes from membership subscription, annual fundraising
campaigns, donations and sales of publications. We currently have about 130
members and a network of supporters. The Aim and mission of our organization
is working in collaboration with women’s groups and other activist groups to
promote the local women’s movements. All our programmes aim to fight against
sexism and therefore benefit women in general, paying attention to the
conditions and needs of different groups of women such as low income women,
single mothers, homemakers, lesbian and bisexual women, Asian immigrant
workers, and newly arrived women from mainland China.
AAF is a member-oriented organization. That is to say, the organization
provides a kind of platform or space for members to initiate projects that
suit their interests and concern. The Executive Committee, with the help of
the staff members, only plays the role of coordination, facilitation and
connection. Therefore members’ background, motivation, vision, interests,
sense of belonging and specialization are the important leading forces that
keep the organization going. At the same time, who, when and how one joins
AAF has much to say about the external environment as well as the internal
cohesiveness of the organization.
The AAF incorporates policy advocacy and campaigns, a sex discrimination
hotline, research and publications, and resource development. We have
played an active role in successfully campaigning for the legal rights of
women, which include the inheritance rights of New Territories indigenous
women, the extension of the United Nations Convention of the Elimination of
All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) to Hong Kong, and the
enactment of the Sex Discrimination Ordinance. We have produced abundant
resources on the exploration of gender issues in Hong Kong, including
research reports, books, education kits, audio-visual resources, and the
set up of the Women’s Resource Centre. In addition, our Chinese quarterly
magazine Nuliu provides an important forum for the exploration and sharing
of women’s experiences and the launching of the Women’s Directory Website
in 2002 represents our efforts to develop cyberspace as an information and
resource hub for women.
Our current programmes are to:
- monitor the work of the Equal Opportunities Commission and the Women’s
Commission;
- conduct research on overseas experiences of sexual orientation
discrimination ordinance and relevant legal and voluntary measures (and we
will set up a website for this information);
- work with lesbian and gay groups to campaign for the enactment of
legislation against sexual orientation discrimination;
- lobby for gender mainstreaming in public policy planning;
- run a free legal advice service for women and provide support services
for women who wish to file a complaint with the Equal Opportunities
Commission;
- campaign for women’s retirement protection;
- promote understanding of the _expression_ of female sexuality through a
project which explores women’s experiences in using pornography;
- conduct oral history project on women’s experiences in intimate
relationships and alternative family forms;
- further analyze the survey on women’s sexuality in Hong Kong conducted
from 2003 to 2005;
- produce and maintain the AAF and Women’s Directory Websites;
- computerize the Women’s Resource Centre for online and internet
searching;
- conduct research on Sex Stereotypes in Magazine Advertisements.
AWID: From your experience, what are the challenges facing women in Hong
Kong today?
SC: The marginalisation of women in Hong Kong is deep-rooted in structural
and cultural biases. In recent years, violence against women and the
feminization of poverty have emerged as the major concerns in HK. The
economic situation of women has been deteriorating. Economic restructuring
has displaced many women workers from their jobs and they have had
difficulties in finding comparable new jobs because of their age and
educational background. Many have had to move to low status and low paid
jobs to earn a living. Women are therefore more prone to fall in to the
poverty trap.
Domestic violence is also a major problem in HK. In 2004, there was a case
in which a mother and her two daughters were stabbed to death, just hours
after she sought help from police and social workers. Too often, domestic
violence is trivialised as a ”mere family dispute”. Police tend to regard
fights and assaults between couples as family matters unless there are
serious injuries and/or one of the parties insists on prosecution. Such a
practice neglects a gender and power imbalance in which it is often hard
for the woman to insist on prosecution.
Social workers in this case also showed gender insensitivity and bias. The
wife’s pleas for help were disregarded. A trained person with a gender
perspective should know that she was demonstrating a classic symptom of
abused victims – threatened by her husband’s violence but at the same time
she wanted to maintain the ”wholeness” of her family. The stress on
family unity only makes it more difficult for women to leave an abusive
relationship.
However, the most fundamental concern is the lack of gender perspective in
all government policies, including those specifically aimed at women, such
as the family services policy. It is also clear that the government does
not conduct gender impact assessments to identify potential discrimination
and gender blind spots in the planning and implementation of its policies
and legislation.
AWID: What types of change would you like to see then, for women’s rights
in Hong Hong?
SC: Generally, I would like to see changes in policies like setting up a
minimum wage and maximum working hours; a social security system with
contributions from government; employers and employees that can provide
basic protection for the beneficiaries. Most importantly, the government
should learn that policies and services impact men and women differently,
and that without a gender perspective, government policies and services
will continue to be fragmented and continue to discriminate against women.
The government should conduct gender impact assessments to identify
potential discrimination and gender blind spots in the planning and
implementation of its policies and legislation.
AWID: How are women in Hong Kong mobilising for these kinds of changes?
SC: During the period of the mid and late 1990s, AAF was more active in
gender education, research and publication. There were courses, seminars
and other kinds of educational activities organized for high school
students, university students, social workers and teachers.
The publication of oral history projects like Tears and Laughter—-Oral
History of Elderly Women (1998) and 16+—-Oral History of Young Women
(2002), the research report on New Milestone of Women’s Affairs—-Gender
Mainstreaming (2001), anthology of conference papers on Difference and
Equality—-New Challenges of Women’s Movement in Hong Kong (2001) etc. and
the re-vitalizing of the journal Nuliu in 1996 were indicators showing a
gradual cultural turn in the development of the AAF.
This implied that the organization was more conscious of setting the agenda
for the movement by that time rather than just reacting to ad hoc issues or
social and political changes. All these moves have attracted more
culturally oriented young women, including university students, joining the
organization. These young women are less experienced in collective actions
but more culturally sensitive and individualistic. The post 1997 political
and economic decline in Hong Kong is an external factor that has increased
the helplessness of the younger generation in political actions, and
attracted more young women to become active in women’s organisations.
————————————————
2) The fight for democracy and gender equality in Azerbaijan.
Recent elections in Azerbaijan have been described by international
observers and human rights activists as being laced with a wide range of
serious violations. In addition to the struggle for democratic rule, women
continue to fight battles against inequality in Azeri politics. AWID
reports on the situation.
By Rochelle Jones
Just days ago, on November 6, parliamentary elections were held in
Azerbaijan, an oil-rich former Soviet republic, strategically situated
between Iran and Russia. In 2003, which was the year that brought President
Ilham Aliyev to power, replacing his father, there were massive protests
against the fraudulent elections and although some inroads have been made
in cleaning up the election process this year, the recent elections have
also been tainted with allegations of fraud, violence and intimidation.
In the weeks before the election, for example, Human Rights Watch (HRW)
called on the Azerbaijani government to ”immediately stop harassing
opposition and independent activists, to allow freedom of assembly and to
desist from intimidation on election day” [1]. According to HRW, police
violence and arbitrary arrests of hundreds of opposition activists were
taking place during the campaign period, seriously undermining the
integrity of the election. A Protest Letter signed by human rights
organizations and activists in Azerbaijan on October 9, documented the
brutal injuries of twelve journalists, with one remaining in a coma [2]. In
the aftermath of the elections, a statement from the Organisation for
Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) indicated that the election did
not meet certain international standards, including serious violations in
vote counting and tabulation as well as intimidation of observers.
Azerbaijan’s constitution guarantees equal rights for women, and yet
according to Nabat Gamiyeva – a woman who ran as an independent in the
election campaign – women’s rights are being ignored, despite the key role
women played in the national liberation movement in 1990 and their push for
democracy in the period following independence [4]. Only 12 percent of the
current Parliament are women, compared to 39 percent pre-independence.
Two prominent Azerbaijani women: Novella Jafaroglu-Applebaum, who is
co-founder and director of the Association for the Protection of Women’s
Rights; and Lynn Sferrazza, director of the Baku office of the American Bar
Association’s Central European and Eurasian Law Initiative, are clearly
frustrated with the cultural and political barriers women are facing in
Azerbaijan, [5]. These barriers are deeply rooted in traditional gender
stereotypes, but also directly related to a government that fears any kind
of dissent from the population, and particularly marginalized groups such
as women, highlighting the importance of democracy for women’s rights to be
realised.
Women in Azerbaijan currently face a compounded struggle interweaving the
need for democratic reforms and gender equality. One telling example is the
struggle of Muslim women who wear Islamic head scarves. Earlier this year,
the deadline passed for all Azerbaijani citizens to surrender their old
Soviet passports for new identity cards, but the current regulations
prohibit people from wearing hats in photographs, including head scarves.
This outraged thousands of Muslim women, who mobilized before the elections
and were successful in forcing the Central Election Commission to accept
their Soviet passports as identification in order to cast their votes.
The ban on head-scarves in identity card photographs, however, remains in
force and means that women from a Muslim-majority country are unable to
prove their identity and access every-day services such as checking into
hospitals, registering residence or acquiring birth certificates for their
children [6]. Women who want to travel are restricted unless they pose for
their passport photograph without their head scarf, and for these women,
this is not only an encroachment of their right to religious _expression_,
but a direct barrier to their participation in society and in politics. It
is also an example of a government that refuses to give in on issues of
contention to elements of the population who disagree with them – a
worrying symptom of a government pulling out all the stops to remain in
power.
What happens next in Azerbaijani politics is largely dependent on civil
society groups and the reaction of the opposition coalition to the election
results. Preliminary results indicate that the ruling party, along with many
independents who are loyal to the President, won the majority of seats in
parliament [7]. The opposition is hopeful, however, that democracy is not
too far off, given the political upheavals following contested elections in
Georgia, Ukraine and Kyrgystan. True democracy could never be too soon for
the women of Azerbaijan, who are relying on the absolute minimum of
democracy to see gender on the agenda in their country.
Notes:
[1] Human Rights Watch 2005. ”Azerbaijan: Run-up to Election Not Free or
Fair”. October 31, 2005. Available from
http://hrw.org/english/docs/2005/10/31/azerba11943_txt.htm
[2] Protest Letter available from http://www.humanrightshouse.org
[3] See EUobserver, 8 November 2005, http://euobserver.com
[4] Cited in Schleifer, Yigal 2005. ”Azerbaijan Women Led Revolt, Now
Pushed Out” in Women’s eNews,
http://www.womensenews.org/article.cfm?aid=2508
[5] Ibid.
[6] Ingram, Judith 2005. ”Azerbaijan Defuses Head-Scarf Controversy”.
Associated Press. Available from
http://www.news.yahoo.com/s/ap/20051101/ap_on_re_eu/azerbaijan_head_scarf_dispute
[7] Refer to Note 3.
———————
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08
May 10
From Nimble Fingers to Raised Fists: Women and Labor Activism in Globalizing Thailand
Title: From Nimble Fingers to Raised Fists: Women and Labor Activism in Globalizing Thailand.
Authors: Mills, Mary Beth1
Source: Signs: Journal of Women in Culture & Society; Autumn2005, Vol. 31 Issue 1, p117-144, 28p
Document Type: Article
Subject Terms: *ECONOMIC indicators
*WOMEN employees
*WOMEN in the labor movement
*GLOBALIZATION
Geographic Terms: BANGKOK (Thailand)
THAILAND
Abstract: The article presents information on the women and labor activism in globalizing Thailand. In Bangkok, Thailand, women constitute the primary workforce for most of the labor-intensive industries, textiles, electronics, food products, and more, that have fueled that country’s recent rapid economic growth. Most of these women are young and unmarried, and most are migrants from Thailand’s cash-strapped agricultural regions. Similar patterns of feminized labor recruitment are common around the world, a by-product of globalizing capital’s unending search for ever cheaper and more flexible labor. Indeed, this feminization of labor is so widespread, especially in sites of new industrialization, that it has given rise to, and is in part sustained by, a new form of global iconography, the third-world woman worker, a figure ideally suited to the demands of contemporary industrial discipline. This international imagery portrays female factory workers as having the nimble-fingered dexterity and patience required for labor-intensive assembly work; likewise, these women are considered fundamentally obedient and respectful toward authority.
Author Affiliations: 1Department of Anthropology, Colby College.
ISSN: 0097-9740
29
Dec 09
Knocking on Asia with Feminist Action
Knocking on Asia with Feminist Action [Download-Click!]
Unninetwork’s @Asia Team(formerly known as the ‘International Solidarity Team’) took off in 2003 and til date has worked toward establishing a ‘New Feminist Solidarity’, filling it with sincere thoughts on issues of how to intertwine ‘Asia’/'Women’/'Solidarity’ together along with colorful events held on the way.
The team started out as the ‘International Solidarity Team’, but as the current name ‘@Asia Team’ implies, Unninetwork’s new outlook on feminist solidarity focuses not on the generally westernized manifestation of the term global, but right here in ‘Asia’. The unquestioned rationalization that ‘the world equates to the Western’ left Asia invisible, thus ‘international solidarity’ was naturally assumed to be that with the West. But in truth, in the overall global context, Asia constitutes a pivotal part of how we identify ourselves as individuals, nevertheless, it stands as an unfamiliar name to disclose and entitle. ‘Asia’ was labeled long before given a chance of self-definition and it’s substantiality demarcated by the ‘Others’. Because perceptions toward women as the Other and that of Asia are resemblant to one another, it becomes even more important for us to build an Asian discourse capable of describing the position of Asian women. Such a process does not take the route of coming across unified and fixed issues, but unearths points of interface amidst one another’s differences and diversities and use that as the basis for bringing about mutual understanding and solidarity. ‘The Asia Project’ is thus a practical effort to bring such mutual understanding and solidarity into light.
In 2007, we met feminist organizations and activists through ‘Asia in Me, Made by Us’ project we coordinated and found more realistic and concrete ways of raising issues than we had previously done through Western-centered texts when struggling over questions surrounding the Asian women’s movement.
Unlike South Korea, entrapped in the ideology of a ‘racially homogeneous nation’, it gave us an opportunity to catch the real picture of previously vaguely known issues, such as different religions and lives of women, economic gaps between Asian countries and women’s poverty and other diverse agendas confronted within the Asian women’s movement. The 2007 Asia Project gave us a chance to reflect upon our truth and false perceptions of Asia and encouraged us to look into a new Asia or elaborate on preceding thoughts on Asia. As for in 2008 the ‘Asian Women’s Patchwork Solidarity’ provided an opportunity to talk about the possibility of how we could establish a long-term network rather than a series of short meetings.
In August 2008, feminist activists from five countries(Taiwan, Malaysia, Philippines, South Korea, Hong Kong) gathered in Taiwan to hold the workshop entitled ‘Let’s talk, difference and solidarity between you and me!’. Activists from every country shared similarities geographically, racially, ethnically and historically along with the same experience of having been colonized. Nevertheless, behind such closeness, also lay numerous divergences generated by religious, cultural and economic differences. Amidst such internal differences within Asia, we understood the fact that being aware of who I am and who we are does not mean we have to spread out each and every difference like grains of sand, but rather concentrate our efforts to weave a close net and then try to find common ground between one another. Moreover, through our workshop in Taiwan, we found issues of fundamentalism, economic problems deriving from Western globalization, migration, intergenerational conflict between feminists to be of common interest among us. At the same time, in-depth discussions were held on the issue of control over women’s maternity, normal family ideology and strict gender roles, heterocentricity and oppression of sexual deviation.
While working on the Asia Project, our intentions and understanding on the issue of establishing an Asian feminist solidarity further deepened, but questions still remained over how to sustain the solidarity while overcoming time and physical barriers. Unninetwork’s interest on the internet as an alternative way of communication created ‘Femisia’, English blogging service for Asian feminist alliance(www.femisia.net). A conjunction of the words Feminism and Asia, as the name itself implies, was put together in order for Asian Feminists to actively engage in exchange and solidarity activities. It is also an experimental space, further extending possibilities of networking beyond face-to-face meetings through consistent online interaction.
Based on the preceding experiences, the 2009 Asia Project is an effort and practice to understand ‘Asian Feminist Activism’. The ‘Knocking on Asia with feminist action’ will bring Asian Feminist activists from Taiwan, Malaysia, South Korea and Hong Kong, the Philippines together to unfold numerous activities. Year 2007 and 2008 was a time for us to increase our understanding of one another, finding agendas for solidarity and an opportunity for us to further strengthen the network. In 2009, based on past fruitions and our understanding of ‘The herstory of Asian Feminist action’ we will try to find agendas we can put into practice individually and together and also carry out practical planning and carry them out.
23
Jan 09
[Workshop] Let’s Talk, difference and solidarity between you and me!
On August, 2009, the Unninetwok hold the 2nd asian feminists workshop ‘Let’s Talk, difference and solidarity between you and me!’ in Taiwan. The following essay was presentated at the brifing session after the workshop.
How to make the workshop
The first workshop “Asia in Me, Made by Us” in 2007 gave us (@Asia team, Unninetwork, and me) more specific conception and necessity. At the same time, however, it gave us more worries. It was the great opportunity to know each other’s identities and diversities under the name of Asian women. But those worries are that how we practice and manage Asian women solidarity in respect of those diversities.
From that, the second workshop “Let’s Talk, difference and solidarity between you and me!” hosted by the Unninetwork, S.Korea, started. Asian ‘young’ feminists from the Philippines, Malaysia, Hong Kong, Taiwan participated. The workshop was placed in Taipei in Taiwan and the reason is that Taiwan has very similar women’s movement history and historical and social context as Korea does. Of course, Taiwan (Taipei) is an accessible place to go from difference Asian countries. While preparing the workshop, we had seminars about social/cultural situation and women’s movements of Taiwan, Hong Kong, Philippines and Malaysia. And we also went field-trip to Taiwan for preparing the workshop as well as visiting women’s organizations in Taipei.
You also have the event ‘Ugly Mouth’!
On August 25, the Asia Project team of the Unninetwork was heading to Taipei, Taiwan. The day we arrived, we visited the Awakening Foundation (here after Awakening), one of the long history women’s organizations, to gather for discussion. Awakening is working for various gender issue fighting through cultural activities as well as for changing law and policy. Recently they focus on e/migration issue. At the beginning of 2008, they had a press conference to denounce the people who made an absurd remark especially to women and homosexual. Press conference for absurd remarks might be Taiwan version of ‘Let’s sewing the mouth’! With grateful, we introduced the event anti-awards ‘Ugly Mouth!’ granting a testimonial in the anti-awards performance and posting the testimonial etc. For the detail stories, the Awakening members supported with admiration. And they said, “We want to STEAL the idea!” We confirmed how resemble the figure and state of discrimination and pressure to women and minority in Korea and in Taiwan. We also support and encourage the other’s activities. In addition, we decided to take on ‘Ugly Mouth in Asia’ together in Femisia.
Last check for the workshop
On the second day of arriving, we prepared for the workshop. One group visited YWCA, workshop place, and checked everything, for example, facilities, using the facilities, lunch and snack etc. The other group looked for restarts around the place. Of course, we went field-trip for getting information and preparing. However, we needed to make more efforts for the workshop in Taipei. Because we were in a different language and an unfamiliar space. Meanwhile, we checked if every participant from Philippine, Malaysia and Hong Kong arrived safely.
Marion and Nina from Philippines work for the Isis International in Manila. Isis International in Manila, one of the women’s organization we visited for 2007 project, works for variety local/global women’s issues. Recently they focus on women’s movement establishing program, governance and communication, democracy program, community and independent media program.
Tze Yeng and Visla from Malaysia work for Fiesta Feminista. Fiesta Feminista is a kind of ‘women’s congress’ by six women’s organizations. It aims to raise younger feminists through offering education programs.
Connie and Karen from Hong Kong work for Women Coalition of HKSAR. HKSAR works for sexual minorities’ human rights against political, economic, social and cultural discrimination for sexual or gender orientation. One of interesting things is they act for LBTQ (not LGBTQ).
For the last, Chih working for Awakening in Taiwan also came to the hotel to “stay with Asian feminist sisters!”
Asian young feminists’ new trend? make a money from job and work for women’s organization
The workshop finally started. Chie, Marion, Nina, Tze Yeng, Visla, Connie, Karen, Jinyoung from Korea Women’s Foundation and the Unninetwork members got together. On the first day, the workshop participants introduced themselves and their organization. Surprisingly, most of participants said “I’m an activist, but I make money from XXX.” Frankly speaking, we were little bit worried about explaining the system of Unninetwork which has only 2 full-time workers and rest of activists are having daytime job. However, they have the same situation. It makes me think that “Is that ‘new’ trend for Asian young feminists?” And it also makes me imagine their big passion for act while earning money and overlaps with our lives.
From the introduction, we got to know that we are all interested in activities against religion fundamentalism and discrimination or disgust for homosexual and cultural movements, even every organization’s main issue is a little bit different. Still we were awkward each other, but we are getting to understand each other as friends through sharing one’s activities and worry about being a woman in Asia and an Asian feminist activist.
Asking about fundament of gender in Asia
On the second day of workshop, we discussed ‘Asian women’s solidarity.’ At first, it was not easy to talk about Asian women’s solidarity which tied up the big three discourse, ‘Asia,’ ‘women,’ and ’solidarity.’ However, we confirmed that solidarity is started from efforts to get to know and understand each other. With that, the big discourse ‘Asian women’s solidarity’ came down to earth through group discussions and introducing Femisia.
The group discussion was in theme of ‘Being a feminist,’ ‘Lesbian feminist,’ and ‘Women’s cultural movement.’ These three themes led to fruitful debates about feminist activists’ lives and alternative identities. And the main issue was individual, social, and cultural norm for gender since one day before. We talked a lot of this: everybody against gender dichotomy is so called ‘trans/gender’; what is ‘trans/gender feminism’ and so on. These talks gave us one question: what is gender? According to a research done in the Philippines, there are 27 genders!!!
Like this, we talked, questioned, and discussed how we make Asian women’s solidarity in discourse. The other hands, we also sought for practical way: how we use Femisia as the place for communication and how/what we really act for Asian women’s solidarity.
At the night, we had ‘official’ network night! It was very short time, but we all participated the workshop with open mind to support, understand, and empower one another. And we really did!
“Because you are here with me”
We evaluated whole workshop programs on the last day. Just like one of participants “It was the best workshop ever,” there are deep sympathy and affection on every single comment.
In the afternoon, we visited a women bookstore and a queer bookstore for cultural activities. We were surprised and envied having these bookstores. At the same time, we were happy to imagine that <My own room> would be there soon.
We had lots of worry to hold a workshop in unfamiliar space. However, it was amazing experience to meet Asian feminist sisters/friends and we won’t forget. We will memorize the power of sisterhood in Asia and it will be basis to enlarge Asian women’s solidarity. Because you are here with me to network with other Asian feminists!
22
Dec 08
The article about ‘2008 Workshop “Let’s talk, the difference and the solidarity” written by Isis
YOUNG ASIAN FEMINISTS COMMUNICATE NEW POLITICS
Sep 02, 2008 at 01:09 PM
Taipei, Taiwan – Fifteen young feminists from Korea, Hong Kong, Taiwan, Malaysia and the Philippines gathered together from 26-29 August 2008 in Taipei, Taiwan to discuss issues and opportunities confronting young women who commit themselves to feminist and social movements. Organised by Unninetwork, “Let’s Talk, Difference and Solidarity Between You and Me,” sought to explore the possibilities of defining “Asian feminism” and solidarities despite varying political, economic and social contexts.
In three days, the participants shared creative communication strategies in developing personal agency; strengthening commitment to feminist movements; and fostering critical collaborations between women’s and social movements.
Moreover, the participants demonstrated the partiality of the younger generation of feminists towards cultural movements as a platform to initiate social change. Such tendency is probably what distinguishes them from otherwise older and traditional feminism which has been engaging formal governance processes such as legislative reforms.
Creative communications
Unninetwork tapped the emergence of new information, communications and technologies (ICTs) in developing a space where young Korean women could articulate their thoughts about themselves, their bodies and desires, as well as their vision of a humane society. Established in 2004, Unninetwork is an online feminist network, whose website features a newsletter, personal journals, fora, and calendar. A blogging space dubbed as “A Room of One’s Own” was said to be a pioneering service long before blogging became popular in Korea, allowing women to talk about personal and sensitive while protecting the privacy of users.
Unninetwork has also institutionalised the “Mouths We Want to Sew Up Awards,” which is given to leaders and celebrities who have made degrading comments on women and gender.
Meanwhile, the Women Coalition of Hong Kong (WCHK) has created an award to resist the tactics done by Christian fundamentalist forces. The coalition has shamed personalities who have discriminated and maligned sexual minorities especially transgenders. WCHK have handed brown paper bags with messages that condemn “conversion therapy” as a form of intolerance .
Creating critical spaces
Unninetwork has been organising festivals for “bihon,” or women who are not married, including single mothers. “We have made it clear that ‘bihon’ means ‘not married’ and not ‘not yet married’ as it is meant to empower women outside the marriage system which generally signifies that a woman is not ‘normal’ when she fails to marry,” explained Jeong-yeon Han.
Festivals have also been an effective venue for alternative articulation among Malaysian feminists, LGBT communities, academe and social movements. Aside from raising public awareness and understanding of feminism, Fiesta Feminista was likewise an opportunity for leadership building. “We had a conscious decision to involve more young women into the feminist movement,” Visla Kumaresan shared. Fiesta Feminista also encouraged dialogue with men who could be allies in forwarding women’s and gender rights.
Similarly, the WCHK has consistently led the celebration of the International Day Against Homophobia (IDAHO). Through IDAHO, WCHK has organised the only LGBT parade in China. “Chinese LGBTs in the mainland still have to work underground. Even then, we choose to hold the parade in the mainland since most LGBTs there could not travel to Hong Kong or Taipei,” Connie Chan of WCHK said.
Isis International likewise co-organised the 3^rd International Lesbian and Gay Association conference in Asia last January in Chiang Mai, Thailand. The conference gave spaces for a caucus among young LGBT and explored new ways of working particularly in the area of intermovement dialogues or collective work between feminist and LGBT movements in the Asian region. The conference also supported the very first LGBT pride march in the province.
“Let’s Talk, Difference and Solidarity Between You and Me” was attended by participants from the Awakening Foundation, Fiesta Feminista, Women Coalition – Hong Kong, Isis International and Unninetwork.
